FUKUYAMA KONEC DEJIN PDF

IN WATCHING the flow of events over the past decade or so, it is hard to avoid the feeling that something very fundamental has happened in world history. březen Před patnácti lety jsem ve své knize Konec dějin a poslední člověk prohlásil, že chce-li být společnost moderní, neexistuje alternativa k tržnímu. Francis Fukuyama a Samuel Huntington (Konec dějin nebo střet civilizací?) že se nacházíme na konci dějin v důsledku vítězství liberální demokracie jako.

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Under these circumstances it seemed intolerable to a large part of this population that it should be ruled by an anachronistic military regime while Japan, only a decade or so ahead in economic terms, had parliamentary institutions for over forty years. I understand that a full explanation of the origins of the reform movements in China and Russia is a good deal more complicated than this simple formula would suggest.

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Francis Fukuyama a Samuel Huntington (The End of History or the Clash of Civilizations?)

Indeed, if the bulk of the present economic reform proposals were put into effect, it is hard to know how the Soviet economy would be more socialist than those of other Western countries with large public sectors. This is certainly not what happened to China after it began its reform process.

Derrida goes on to analyze Fukuyama’s book as taking part in the intellectual branch of current Western hegemony and the spreading of its “New Gospel”: Some argue [ who? His moral bent is strikingly similar but he does not identify with the founding fathers while espousing the same form of government fukuyamma avoid petty debates.

Gorbachev has spoken of democratization primarily in the sphere fukuyam internal party fumuyama, and has shown little intention of ending the Communist party’s monopoly of power; indeed, the political reform seeks to legitimize and therefore strengthen the CPSU’S rule.

Modus vivendi: Francis Fukuyama: Konec dějin a poslední člověk

In the first place, nationalism is not one single phenomenon but several, ranging from mild cultural nostalgia to fuiuyama highly organized and elaborately articulated doctrine of National Socialism. This was a defeat, of course, on a very material level, dejln it amounted to a defeat of the idea as well. Most of these analyses lack any larger conceptual framework for distinguishing between what is essential and what is contingent or accidental in world history, and are predictably superficial.

But this phenomenon extends beyond high politics and it can be seen also in the ineluctable spread of consumerist Western culture in such diverse contexts as the peasants’ markets and color television sets now omnipresent throughout China, the cooperative restaurants and clothing stores opened in the past year in Moscow, the Beethoven piped into Japanese department stores, and the rock music enjoyed alike in Prague, Rangoon, and Tehran.

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The ruins of the Reich chancellery as well as the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki killed this ideology on the level of consciousness as well as materially, and all of the pro-fascist movements spawned by the German and Japanese examples like the Peronist fukuhama in Argentina or Subhas Kpnec Bose’s Indian National Army withered after the war. Please wait, fetching the form.

If we accept the idealist premises laid out above, we must seek an answer to this question in the realm of ideology and consciousness.

Due to the strength and adaptability of the indigenous cultures there, Asia became a battleground for a variety of imported Western ideologies early in this century. Denin and China are not dekin to join the developed nations of the West as liberal societies any time in the foreseeable future, but suppose for a moment that Marxism-Leninism ceases to be a factor driving the foreign policies of these states – a dejni which, if not yet here, the last few years have made a real possibility.

The history at the end of history. In France, however, there has been an effort to save Hegel from his Marxist interpreters and to resurrect him as the philosopher who most correctly speaks to our time.

Fascism was destroyed as a living ideology by World War II.

The End of History? – Francis Fukuyama

The Wall Street Journal school of deterministic materialism habitually points to the stunning economic success of Asia in the past few decades as evidence of the viability of free market economics, with the implication that all societies would see similar development were they simply to allow their populations to pursue their material self-interest freely. The developed states of the West do maintain defense establishments and in the postwar period have competed vigorously for influence to meet a worldwide communist threat.

There is a virtual consensus among the currently dominant school of Soviet economists now that central planning and the command system of allocation are the root cause of economic inefficiency, and that if the Soviet system is ever to heal itself, it must permit free and decentralized decision-making with respect to investment, labor, and prices. From the Industrial Revolution to the Present Day The two world wars in this century and their attendant revolutions and upheavals simply had the effect of extending those principles spatially, such that the various provinces of human civilization were brought up to the level of its most advanced outposts, and of forcing those societies in Europe and North America at the vanguard of civilization to implement their liberalism more fully.

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And yet, all of these people sense dimly that there is some larger process at work, a process that gives coherence and order to the daily headlines. Marx, speaking Hegel’s language, asserted that liberal society contained a fundamental contradiction that could not be resolved within its context, that between capital and labor, and this contradiction has constituted the chief accusation against liberalism ever since.

In OctoberFukuyama, in a Wall Street Journal opinion piece, responded to the declarations that the September 11 attacks had disproved his views by stating that “time and resources are on the side of modernity, and I see no lack of a will to prevail in the United States today. But while Hegel’s writing and thinking could be stopped by a bullet from the material world, the hand on the trigger of the gun was motivated in turn by the ideas of liberty and equality that had driven the French Revolution.

Fukuyama’s celebration of liberal hegemony is criticized by Derrida:.

There are, of course, a number of fatal flaws in the current implementation of the reform, most notably the absence of a thoroughgoing rejin reform.

The various slowdowns in the pace of reform, the campaigns against “spiritual pollution” and crackdowns on klnec dissent are more properly seen as tactical adjustments made in the process of managing what is an extraordinarily difficult political transition. How will the overall characteristics of a de-ideologized world differ from those of the one with which konc are familiar at such a hypothetical juncture?

At the modern stage, the ability to build up material wealth koneec an accelerated rate on the basis of front-ranking science and high-level techniques and technology, and to distribute it fairly, and through joint efforts to restore and protect the resources necessary for mankind’s survival deuin decisive importance.

Certainly a great deal of the world’s ethnic and nationalist tension can be explained in terms of peoples who are forced to live in unrepresentative political systems that they have not chosen. Ideology in this sense is not restricted to the secular and explicit political doctrines we usually associate with the term, but can include religion, culture, and the complex of moral values underlying any society as well.

But there are powerful reasons for believing that it is the ideal that will govern the material world in the long run.